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Fascism is notoriously difficult to define. Some may maintain that it is a case of "I know it when I see it," but with some consideration it is possible to provide a workable definition of fascism. In its simplest form it states that fascism is a system of national, cultural, and often racial nationalism based on fear and feelings of victimization that disires economic autarky and territorial reclamation and expansion for the safety and glory of the group. In order for fascism to achieve those goals it must first take power and it usually does so legitimately. To take power fascists rely on a strong, charismatic leader, an iniatial power base usally comprised of the lower middles class which feels treatened and unrepresented, and a weak national government that can do little to ellicit change wanted and need by the population. Once in power, it must expand its power base which it usually does by alliances with traditional conservatives. It also must strengthen the native population by rallying them together in common cause and removing any weak elements in the population that prevent or suprress that rallying. So while, fascisms goals may be relatively simple, the path by which it acheives those goals is not.1

The principal trait of fascism is nationalism for its describes not only the route by which fascist regimes arrive in power, but it also explains many of their methods and goals one they have attained power. However, simple nationalism is not sufficient to understand fascism as any number of political ideologies can be nationlistic. Traits central to the fascist version of nationalism are fear and a sense of victimization. This ocurrs at both a national and an individual level. On an indivual level, fascism appeals to specific social classes, most notably the lower middle class, and this class often provides the initatial electoral base that allows fascist parties to take control of governments. The lower middle class find fascist rhetoric particularly appealing because they often feel unrepresented and politically ostracized by the other classes. The petty bourgeoise do not consider themselves working class and so their intersts are often threatened by labor movements. However, they also do not sympathize with traditional conservative parties which usually have ties with more traditional elites and the true bourgeoise. Fascist rhetoric capitalizes on the ever present fear of the petty bourgeoise that will slip back down into the working class. It empowers them by giving them a sense of community and a feeling of adequate representation. Weak and unstable governments unable to address the problems of the day or iniate meaninful reform exarcerbate the population's frustration and often add to the appeal of a fascist party that promises change. While the existence of a weak government is not essential for the formation of a fascist party in a nation, it does have a definitive impact on the success of that fascist party. Such governments' ineptitude or feebleness allow oppurtunistic fascists to step in and solve problems that prove too much for those in power so as when Mussolini put down strikes of agricultural workers in rural Italy while the central government could only watch. These demonstrations of power add to fascism's credibility and attraction the attention of more people. This sense of a legitimacy arising from opportunism and the iniatial petty bourgeoise power base is generally pivotal to a fascist party's ability to take control. Though their rhetoric is revolutionary, most fascist parties arrive in power through legitimate means be it election or appointment. To take power by coup or revolution would likely result in a more run-of-the-mill conservative dictatorship. It would also likely alienate tradtional conservatives whom fascists often have to ally with once in power to bolster their postion. This alliance with traditional elites and conservatives is also not a vital trait neccesary for a political party to be called fascist, but it does help determine how successful that party will be once it attains power. The initial petty bourgeose base might be enough to land them in power, but it is usually not enough of a support group to successfully run the country. Fascists are obliged to form coaltions with the most likely candidate the traditional conservatives.2

Fascists do not limit their message to the lower middle class especially once they have arrived in power. Central to rallying the many social classes is a strong national, cultural, and sometimes racial identity. Once more this is fueled by feelings of fear and victimization. Fascist rhetoric commonly declares that the nation or people have a glorious past that they have fallen away from and that they should and would reclaim and even exceed if they were not held back by oher nations or peoples. German fascists capitolized on German defeat and humiliation during World War I and to the harsh war reperations other nations forced upon them. The famine and instablity of the Weimar years provided more than ample incentive for many Germans to feel threatened and wronged. Mussolini railed against the loss of Italian land during World War I and reminded Italians of the glories of the Roman Empire. In order to overcome these external foes the people of the nation must come together regardless of social class. They must grow, strengthen, and harden themselves, and this includes removal of any weak or suppervise elements within their own borders. These "other" elements may include different ethnic or religous groups within the natio such as Jews or Gypsies, but it also includes political dissentors or those deemed as Jewish or Gypsy sympathizers. Social Darwinism can also be applied which prompts fascists to weed out the perceived weak elements within their own group. They target the disabled, the insane, and the infirmed to prevent them from reproducing and weakening the overall population. The cleansing of these weaker elements need not neccesarily entail extermination or at least it usually does not begin with extermination. Contaiment and expulsion are more common initial solutions, but with enough time or if other avenues fail, it can resort to extermination. Targeting of such groups may also not be what fascists intend. They may simply demonzie these groups in their rhetoric as a means of providing the rest of the country with a common enemy and getting them to rally together. However, in order to live up to their fiery rhetoric and maintain a sense of legitimacy, they are required to persucute and even exterminate the groups they denounced. Fascists also get people to rally by providing them with things to do usually in the form of clubs and social groups. They create social organizations for almost every imaginable faction and this helps to give people a collective sense of identiy and belonging and to channel the energies of the people into activities the government deems useful or suitable. At the center of al this rallying both on the individual and nationa level a strong, charismastic leader afforded messianic status. While these leaders are unqestionably dictators they are also portrayed as patriarchs or fathers of the entire country entrusted wit its upkeep and protection. Unflinching control and portrayed sympathetic patronage are hallmarks of a fascist dictator and they encourage the support of the nation through both fear and affection.3

Another key feature of fascism is territorial expansion or even imperial asperations. This expansion begins with the reclamation of territory that is believed to rightfully belong to the nation seizing it. Other nations may have forciably taken the terriotry away previously, or the fascist country may want to "liberate" individuals in the seized territory that belong to the same linguistic, racial, or cultural group as its native population. This offensive action inevitably expands to include other territories, however, and in some ways, fascists might be trapped by their own rhetoric and have no choice. New territory gives the government a place to exile or exterminate the "other" elements in their population. It also provides a chance for colonialism as many fascist governments maintain that the borders of their contry do not contain enough land to enable their population to reach its full potential. Therefore, they must gain other lands to give their populations a chance to spread and grow. Economic autarky is also a feature of fascism as any dependance on foreign economies is a potential route to victimization. Rebuilding, enhancing, and expanding the native economy are all pivotal and for that, the country needs resources and land that might not be present inside borders. So instead of becoming autrakic by erecting walls around its borders, fascism tries to become autarkis cy eliminating and absorbing all the competition. Military expansionism is usually justified by stating that is is vital for the nation to reclaim its former glory and for it to avoid future victimization by foreign powers.