The Great Dividing Desert

THE GREAT DIVIDING DESERT1

Alan Freckelton2

March 6, 20073

I suppose that this was something we always feared might happened. Koos van Leeuwenhoek and his company have found uranium deep in the Disputed Territories and the New South Walesers ("the Convicts" as they are popularly known in New Amsterdam) want their share.4

It had to be van Leeuwenhoek that made the discovery too. He is the most aggressive and gung-ho of the New Holland breed of entrepreneurs who have pushed eastwards in search of greater profits in recent years, and if anyone is going to upset our diplomatic relations with New South Wales it is going to be him. Already the Governor of New South Wales has sent the Prime Minister a communique from Sydney stating that van Leeuwenhoek's comments about us being in Australia one hundred and fifty years longer than them are unhelpful and will not assist reaching a negotiated settlement in the matter. I find that this is typical New South Wales-British diplomacy - very politely worded, but they are really saying that van Leeuwenhoek is a fool and should keep out of the delicate politics of Australia.5

I have been posted to Sydney for three months now, as the Assistant Ambassador to New South Wales. The Ambassador, Pieter van Ryneveld, a career diplomat who seems to have been in the Diplomatic Corps for most of his fifty years, has done a fine job of smoothing over the often strained relations between the Western and Eastern halves of Australia, and in particular relating to that vast tract of baking nothingness that lies between us, that the New South Walesers call the Simpson Desert, and we called simply "the Barrier". 6

The Barrier is, I believe, the main reason for the west-east split of the continent. Since the colony of New Holland began in 1626, many men tried to push eastwards and northwards from New Amsterdam, not far from Hartog's original landing place in the far south of the west coast. Most ended up dying of heat and exhaustion in the great sandy wastelands of the Barrier, and or falling prey to the perils of the north - the crocodiles, the stinging creatures in the sea at Port Headland and along the Eighty Mile Beach, or to the natives that somehow clung to life in areas where surely human beings could never survive. So absolute was the Barrier that many of the early New Hollanders wanted to return home, but they were inspired by the eventual success of colonising the Transvaal in Southern Africa, and by the memory of men such as Magellan and Fokke and Tasman, and we stayed. But by the time we were able to begin to cross the Barrier, the English had established their prison colony at what is now Sydney, and our dreams of possessing the entire continent were over. 7

Relations with New South Wales have generally been slightly strained, but peaceful. Even during the war in South Africa in 1899-1902 there was no war in Australia, and I believe the impenetrability of the Barrier saved both our nations from destruction in those times. Relations froze completely of course, and did not resume until the War in Europe, when we sided together to destroy the threat to our respective motherlands. Since then, we have been strained but civil, like two brothers who do not like each other, but will tolerate each other for the sake of the family.8

Tonight I must go with Pieter and his family to a reception for the Prince of Wales, who is visiting Sydney. The function, which I will no doubt find to be typically English - many unnecessary speeches and all of them much too long - is being held not far from the Embassy, in the Governor's residence at Kirribilli. I look out over the Harbour now as I write - it is the one thing about Sydney that is better than New Amsterdam. Any New South Waleser that visits New Amsterdam is impressed with our Swan River, named for the famed black swans, with the harbour town of Port Hartog not far to the south, but always makes the comment that "our harbour is better than anything you've got in the west". Such is the west-east rivalry in this continent.9

Pieter has just motioned me to hurry up and get moving, and is already dreading the subject of "that damn stupid cowboy van Leeuwenhoek" coming up. This will have to be all for tonight.10

March 7, 200711

The reception for the Prince was much more interesting that I would have expected, although not, as it may turn out, for good reasons.12

The Prince of Wales is a quiet man, not a natural leader, but that is OK given that the Governor of New South Wales is for all intents and purposes the ruler of his country anyway, and the current Queen exists only to sign Acts of Parliament into law. We severed formal links with the Hague more than one hundred years ago - the Republic of New Holland was proclaimed in 1898, partly to pre-empt the Unification of the three colonies of Eastern Australia. We New Hollanders always find the British Royalty slightly amusing for this reason, but I am getting off the track.13

Pieter and his wife Karin were quickly in conversation with the Prince and some of his entourage, and I found myself approached by a gentleman who I had never previously met.14

"Jan Suyderhoud?"15

"Yes?", I said, and turned to look at a tall man, in the compulsory dinner jacket, carrying a copy of the Sydney Morning Herald which gave some prominence to van Leeuwenhoek's comments about the wealth in the Barrier.16

"My name's James Vestey" he said, speaking in what the English call a BBC accent. "I believe you're the Assistant Ambassador from New Holland?".17

I would not have got this posting if I could not speak fluent English, and I was always pleased to show off my skill with the language. "Yes, that's correct. The Ambassador, Mr van Ryneveld, is just over there", I added, indicating Pieter who was now in deep conversation with the Prince.18

Mr Vestey nodded in Pieter's direction, and then began in the typically roundabout English way. "I've been reading about this Koos van Leeuwenhoek in the paper. Now, I know you don't have any control over anything he does or says, but I'd be interested to know of your government's response to this finding of uranium in Kakadu." ("Kakadu" is the natives' name for the beautiful but deadly region of Northern Australia where van Leeuwenhoek's miners found uranium, and which lies deep within the Disputed Territory.)19

I reacted cautiously, and in what I believed was a good diplomatic fashion. "Our Prime Minister, Mr Cronje, has made no official statement on the find, and I believe that it is his view, and the government's, that this will have to be a subject of further negotiation. After all, neither New Holland nor New South Wales have ever really controlled, er, Kakadu, and there is the issue of the natives' right to the land as well."20

James Vestey smiled and said "Spoken like a true diplomat. You'll go far, son." I had to smile back. "Seriously though", he went on, "is your government going to try to make a claim for all of the Top End now?".21

"I really couldn't say", I replied. "We could probably come to some kind of arrangement. After all, we've been sharing Uluru and the Olgas for some time now really, so we can both make money from the tourism."22

"And the tourists would be scared off going into a disputed zone too, of course, even though we've never been at war in over two hundred years" he finished. "Eventually, though, now that we can cross the desert and all that, there's going to have to be a formal boundary drawn up sooner or later, isn't there?".23

"I suppose so" I replied, "but if that happens, it will be drawn up by people much higher up than me. I often think", I added, "that the current arrangement is a good one - as long as our governments are reasonably friendly, we can share resources within the Disputed Territories and no harm is done."24

"So long as people like van Leeuwenhoek don't upset the apple cart" he smiled, and bid his farewells, as he was called over to join another group.25

Shortly after this, Pieter came over to me, slightly concerned. "What was all that about?" he asked.26

"What?"27

"You talking to Vestey over there."28

"Oh that", I said, relieved. Pieter is a great boss to have 99% of the time, but just occasionally he gets more worried than is good for him. "He just asked me a few questions about our intentions towards Kakadu and that kind of thing, and I told him I couldn't tell him very much."29

"Good" said Pieter, mollified but still concerned. "James Vestey owns a big mining company himself, you know, and they're very concerned about van Leeuwenhoek's expansion."30

"I see."31

"Just be careful what you say, all right? The Vestey family has got some influence with the Governor, so there could be political problems with all this. It's really an issue we don't want to discuss too much."32

I am paid to be careful with what I say. "I'll keep that in mind" I said.33

"Good. You're learning fast" said Pieter, as he escorted me to meet the Prince. But the arrival on the scene of James Vestey had clearly concerned him, and I was wondering if I would find out exactly why.34

March 9, 200735

I have done a bit of reading over the past two days, mainly on the subject of the interests held by the Vestey family in New South Wales.36

It appears that James Vestey's grandfather Phillip bought most of Cape Yorke Peninsula, in the tropical far north of New South Wales, some time early this century, and immediately began farming Brahman beef cattle in the area. Many years after the event, he has become infamous for his treatment of the natives to that area, having purchased their lands for alcohol and tobacco, and for paying native stockmen wages far below subsistence level. In New Holland, we too have had our problems with natives' rights, and to our disgrace we virtually eradicated them from all the coastal regions in and south of New Amsterdam, except for one suburb of our capital which is referred to, naturally enough, as “Haalem”. We believe that now we have begun real progress in reconciling them to our society, especially in our attempt to deliver food and medical resources to the north, but I am getting sidetracked again.37

James Vestey has since become heir to just about all pastoral and mining rights in New South Wales north of Townsville, and is a very wealthy man. His company, known simply as Vesteys, has consistently pushed westwards from Cape Yorke, with the blessings of successive Governors of New South Wales. He has, however, so far stopped short of attempting to mine the Disputed Territories, mindful of the political problems that this could cause both within Australia and in Europe, where our respective motherlands work together uneasily within the developing European Union. (I would be most interested to know what would happen should Europe become one country - would New Holland and New South Wales become one country too? Of course, the Hague no longer governs New Amsterdam, but the impetus would be there...)38

Anyway, I can now see the problem that Pieter sees in relation to the explorations by this Vestey. He is a sort of New South Wales equivalent of Koos van Leeuwenhoek - more urbane and less crass perhaps, but nevertheless driven by a demand for profit, and perhaps political influence. He is going to have to be watched.39

One comment of Vestey that disturbed me is his mention of a formal boundary. While, of course, a formal boundary between New Holland and New South Wales would solve many problems once it is in place, drawing it up could cause chaos. Like many New Holland politicians, current PM Anton Cronje was a Nationalist in Opposition, who advocated dividing up the continent with a straight line through Adelaide, that far western outpost of New South Wales, but once in Government made statements to the effect that the status quo was desirable. As Pieter says, he was quickly "house-trained" by the Foreign Affairs Department, in which Pieter, of course, is a senior official. New South Wales, of course, would draw up a boundary giving 50% of the landmass to each nation, meaning they would gain more arable land and we would be stuck with most of the Barrier. The obvious compromise as I see it is to take the matter to the International Court of Justice, but the leaders of both New Holland and New South Wales claim that this body is not "impartial" enough, and you need not be well-versed in the language of diplomacy to realise that this is code for "we are not going near that kangaroo court unless we know we'd get our way". However, I worry, and I know that Pieter worries, that an impasse over mining rights in Kakadu could bring on the debate again before either nation is really ready for it.40

March 12, 200741

The New Amsterdam Daily is full of Koos van Leeuwenhoek again. The story apparently is that he received a letter from Anton Cronje telling him to keep a judicious silence over his find of uranium until we can get a dialogue going with New South Wales over how mining operations can commence, and the relative shares of the profits between our two nations. However, today's paper has van Leeuwenhoek shouting from the rooftops that Cronje is stifling the economic development of New Holland and that if things didn't change soon he would form his own political party and stand candidates in the next national elections. "Eastern Mining Corporation found the deposit", he says, "so it's ours. If New South Wales thinks they can claim a share of it they've got another thing coming."42

Pieter is already having horrified visions of Prime Minister van Leeuwenhoek strutting about the world stage, mining and/or bulldozing everything in sight, and destroying New Holland's relations with just about every country on Earth, the Motherland probably included. As I write, Pieter has just been summoned to the Governor's office to explain whether van Leeuwenhoek's comments reflect the views of the government of New Holland. Naturally, Pieter will attempt to smooth things over - I can just see him saying "of course these views are not those of Mr Cronje or his government", and probably adding words to the effect of "New Holland is a democracy and we cannot stifle words of private citizens that might prove inflammatory". There is a problem here, of course - van Leeuwenhoek has had supporters inside successive governments of New Holland, and at times the Mining and Development Ministry has been accused of rubber-stamping his proposals. However, even the Ministry will hopefully decide that this time he has gone too far, by attempting to mine the Disputed Territories.43

It is now half past two in the afternoon, and Pieter has just returned from speaking with the Governor. He looks exhausted, and has told me that the Governor, David Carroll, was not impressed with van Leeuwenhoek's attempts to dictate to the government of New Holland, and expressed his hopes that policy would not be made to suit a wealthy citizen. Pieter told the Governor that he believed that Mr Cronje and his government would be able to stand up to van Leeuwenhoek, although privately Pieter describes Cronje as "the Developers' lap-dog" and as likely to stand up to sustained political pressure as a native humpy is to a far north coast cyclone. 44

Nevertheless, Pieter is already hatching a face-saving compromise. "Perhaps", he told me, "we could get the development stopped on environmental grounds". He has a point - the New Holland Minister for the Environment, Anna Oosterhaus, is unlikely to view a proposal to mine an area of outstanding natural beauty favourably, regardless of any tricky political situation regarding sovereignty over the area. If she could be persuaded to seek a ban on mining in the area, and the New South Wales Minister to do likewise, then the problem could be solved, and any negotiations to draw up a formal boundary between our nations could proceed without the aggravation of accounting for mineral wealth in the Barrier. 45

I often think that Pieter's planned political machinations are much superior to those of our current government, and I often wonder if he has a political future mapped out for himself. I only hope he waits a couple of years yet - I think I would need at least two and half years as an Assistant Ambassador before I would be considered for the top job, particularly in a "plum" posting like New South Wales. On Pieter's request, I am now about to draft a letter to Ms Oosterhaus, so this will be all for now.46

March 14, 200747

Anna Oosterhaus sent an e-mail to Pieter and myself today regarding our (well, Pieter's) proposal to have van Leeuwenhoek's mine stopped for environmental reasons. She says that this looks a very good way out, although she will have to arrange an inspection of the area before any recommendation can be made by her Department. She says, though, that the area known as "Kakadu" is well-known internationally as an area of high conservation value and is potentially a site for World Heritage Listing. (I am not terribly well-versed in International Environmental Law; I will consult Pieter on these matters.) She believes, though, that she can arrange an inspection in the very near future, and that this approach gives Cronje the way out he needs - he can stop the mine without admitting that New Holland has no sovereignty over the area, thus appeasing the hawks in the general public and his own party. 48

Pieter is smiling to himself, and already drafting a communique to the Foreign Ministry in New Amsterdam, seeking permission to negotiate with the New South Wales Environment Ministry about similar action from their Department. He tells me he is not sure whether such permission will be granted to him, but he believes that by raising the issue, that someone will be commissioned to begin such negotiations. Pieter is looking much calmer that at any time since van Leeuwenhoek made his last little outbursts, and I think he believes that he has done the main duty of the diplomat - successfully found a compromise in a tricky matter.49

March 17, 200750

There is, as they say, trouble now.51

Yesterday, the New South Wales Minister for the Environment, one Robert Edwards, came to see Pieter and myself to discuss the development of the joint environmental plan for Kakadu. 52

"I'll get straight to the point" he said. "I've spoken to Anna Oosterhaus and we're agreeable on a ban on mining in Kakadu, but we're in big trouble with our respective PMs."53

"I thought as much" sighed Pieter.54

I tried to be cautiously optimistic in the approved diplomatic fashion. "So what's the problem?"55

"Basically" said Edwards, cynically, "Carroll is in Vestey's pocket and Cronje is in van Leeuwenhoek's. Ms Oosterhaus tells me that van Leeuwenhoek is already calling in all the political favours - campaign donations, all the rest of it - to ensure that the mine goes ahead. Vestey is reminding Carroll that he's up for reappointment by the Queen before long, and pointing out that the Vestey family in England are minor peers and good friends of the Royal family."56

"And naturally he wants the mine stopped" put in Pieter.57

"More than that", said Edwards, "he wants the territory himself."58

"What!" Pieter and I exclaimed in marvellous unison.59

"Vestey's gone back to some deed signed by George IV, apparently giving some ancestor of his all the land in New South Wales north of the Tropic of Capricorn" said Edwards, in the tone of a man facing his own execution. "He's going to use that to claim Kakadu for himself."60

"But", I said, amazed, "Kakadu has never been part of New South Wales! He can't get away with that, can he?"61

"Problem is, Jan", said Pieter, "it's never really been part of New Holland either. No-one wanted it when it was just a collection of pretty rocks, but now there's apparently billions of guilders under it."62

We sat silently for a short time, and then Pieter asked, heavily, "so do you have any word on Vestey's next move?".63

"Nothing for certain", said Edwards, "but I've heard he's going to make a formal petition to Parliament that he and his family own any mining rights to that part of Australia. And the mindset of the Governor is such that he might just get it up."64

"And you can just imagine van Leeuwenhoek's reaction to that", I added, probably unnecessarily. Certainly it was unnecessary for Pieter - I could see that he was already horrified by all the diplomatic nightmares that could arise from such a scenario. Two gung-ho developers trying to mine the Disputed Territories, and each trying to enlist their State behind them! Imagine!65

Pieter decided it was time for action. "Right. Thank you very much Mr Edwards, we're much indebted to you for that information", he said. "Jan, I want you to send a fax straight away to our Resources Ministry, asking them to hold off on any decision on van Leeuwenhoek's mining rights because of the diplomatic problems." I nodded. "While you're at it, prepare a brief for Anna Oosterhaus as well, it will be mainly the same stuff." I nodded again, and wrote down the instructions.66

"In the meantime", he said, "I'm going to seek an appointment with the Governor to explain our side of the situation, and try to convince them that we're not going to storm in and take over if they hold off." He raced off, with Edwards falling in behind, and stopped only to grab his coat. All I could hear him say was "God help us, this one's going to take some explaining."67

March 18, 200768

Pieter got his appointment with the Governor yesterday, but it apparently did not achieve a great deal.69

I spent a couple of hours yesterday firing off the diplomatic communiques Pieter had requested. I had stated in both faxes that we should hold off granting any mining permits anywhere within the Barrier, but particularly within Kakadu, because of the likelihood of a serious diplomatic rift with New South Wales. The replies were revealing.70

Christo van Maanen, the Permanent Secretary of the Resources and Development Department faxed me back half an hour later in the following terms:71

"Dear Mr Suyderhoud:72

While I appreciate your concerns in this matter, it is the policy of this Department to grant or refuse all applications for mining permits on their merits. While the fact that the site publicised by Mr Koos van Leeuwenhoek does lie within the Disputed Territories, we have obtained legal advice that as first discoverer, Eastern Mining Corporation has title to the mining deposits in question.73

Secondly, this Department will seek to conduct its own negotiations with New South Wales should the area in question be the subject of the grant of any mining permit.74

Finally, there has as yet been no formal application made by Mr van Leeuwenhoek to mine the area in question, although there is considerable media speculation that such an application is to be made in the very near future. Should such an application be made, it will be treated in accordance with relevant legislative and Departmental guidelines.75

Yours, Christo van Maanen."76

As I thought, very little of any substance. The paragraph that suggests that the Department would consult New South Wales authorities only after they granted a mining permit is particularly disturbing - I can just imagine the cries of outrage from Sydney reaching all the way to New Amsterdam!77

Anna Oosterhaus sent me a much shorter reply:78

"Jan:79

Thanks for your fax. I had no idea that Vestey was moving into the area as well. That makes it even more urgent that we get this environmental ban approved, but it makes it even less likely that Cronje will approve it if he gets wind of Vestey's petition to the New South Wales Parliament. I'm in a bit of a spot here, but I think I'm on your side.80

Thanks; Anna Oosterhaus."81

Ms Oosterhaus seems to have a good grip on the situation. I think we can rely on her.82

Pieter tells me that Governor Carroll listened politely to him, but ultimately told him that the Governor's job is to put New South Wales first. Carroll said that he was disturbed by van Leeuwenhoek's apparent "crash or crash through" mentality, and believed that the New Hollander had already sought to claim the land. Pieter explained that van Leeuwenhoek is not a Member of Parliament, but had to admit that he does have influence in the Cabinet. 83

This is unfortunately the case. Many voters in New Holland owe their jobs to Eastern Mining and Cronje fears their reaction if it is ever forced to cut production. Every election, van Leeuwenhoek and other senior Eastern Mining executives make comments about rising costs and lowered international competitiveness, and make threats to move offshore unless they get tax concessions, wage freezes, exemption from the laws requiring them to pay natives the same wages as white workers, and so on. More often than not, the company gets what it wants.84

Pieter was thus not optimistic about the Governor's role in the matter. Certainly Carroll did not seem sympathetic to Robert Edwards' views on the matter, although, of course, he said they would receive "due consideration".85

"In other words", explained Pieter, "he'll read the Cabinet minute and then throw it in the bin." He was even less happy when he read the response I received from van Maanen, although he was slightly encouraged by the support from Anna Oosterhaus.86

There was really little we could do now except wait for the next move in the developing drama.87

March 22, 200788

For the first time in my career, I was in the New South Wales Parliament today, listening to James Vestey present his remonstrance to the assembled rulers of the nation. Pieter assigned me this task, as he has been required to meet a visiting politician from New Holland, who is stopping over in Sydney before flying to New Amsterdam.89

Vestey presented to the Governor an ancient sheet of vellum, apparently sealed with the Royal Seal of George IV, which declared John Mainwaring Vestey and his heirs and successors the owners of all land in New South Wales north of the Tropic of Capricorn. He argued that at that time at least, the British Crown claimed that all uninhabited areas of the Australian continent were terra nullius; that is, unless they had been clearly claimed by New Holland they belonged to no-one, and were ripe for the plucking by the British. He stated that the political and diplomatic niceties over the Disputed Territories had really begun only after World War I (and the post-Boer War reconciliation between New Holland and New South Wales) and certainly did not exist in 1817, when the deed was sealed by the then King.90

The Member for Eden-Monaro, Virginia Boon, a noted conservationist, rose to make a statement in reply, while Robert Edwards looked on. She steered clear of political matters, and instead stated that Kakadu was an area of outstanding natural beauty, which should be available to be enjoyed by all. Her only foray into the matter of east-west boundaries came when she stated that Kakadu could generate considerable income from tourism, which could be shared between New South Wales and New Holland in much the same way as that from the Uluru National Park. I took careful notes, but was most interested when, after hearing both arguments, Governor Carroll addressed Vestey directly.91

"You do realise, Mr Vestey", he said, "that your claim could result in considerable political difficulties in regards to our relations with New Holland?".92

"I understand that, sir", replied Vestey, "but that is not a matter for me to be concerned with. I am a businessman, and I will leave such lofty affairs of State for much more knowledgeable and experienced persons such as yourself. I seek only an opportunity to do business."93

I made a marginal note in my notebook - "Calculated exercise in ingratiating himself with the Governor. May well succeed."94

Carroll looked pleased with Vestey's response and summed up. "Well, Mr Vestey, I have taken careful note of your remonstrance, and I will give it due consideration. You may expect a final decision from me within the week."95

"Thank you, sir" said Vestey, made a little bow, and departed, as I scribbled furiously in my notebook, knowing Pieter would want a detailed account of the conduct of the remonstrance. At the very last minute, Vestey noticed me in the public galleries and gave me a thin smile. I waved back, but he had already spun on his heel and walked out.96

March 23, 200797

Pieter read my account of the remonstrance today and looked slightly less worried than usual after doing so. "It's pretty much as I expected" he said. "I like your comment about Vestey ingratiating himself with Carroll." I had to smile.98

"How often do these petitions to the Governor get up?" I asked.99

Pieter thought for a moment and replied , "well, they're pretty rare these days. They were a lot more common in the days when the British Monarch really ran New South Wales. Their scope is also a lot more restrictive since World War One, when Britain gave New South Wales more independence."100

"So what do you think?"101

"I really don't know", mused Pieter. "Personally, I'm hoping Carroll doesn't risk provoking an international incident, but Vestey's family is very powerful."102

"A bit like van Leeuwenhoek in New Holland", I offered.103

"Yes, although van Leeuwenhoek's power is solely because of his money", said Pieter, "while Vestey has political power as well, his family being on good terms with the British Royal family and all that."104

I nodded thoughtfully.105

Looking nervous again, Pieter finished off with "well, there's not a lot we can do about it now. We just have to wait and hope Carroll makes the right decision."106

He was right. Not much else happened today, apart from another e-mail from Anna Oosterhaus, who was after much the same kind of information that Pieter had wanted. After a couple of e-mails went back and forth, she was satisfied that her "opposite numbers" as it were had done a good job. (She is on quite good terms with Virginia Boon, and they have done much work between them for the environment of the Australian continent.) All is now quiet in New Holland House, but I am just hoping it is not the quiet before the storm.107

March 24, 2007; Morning108

I'm afraid it was the calm before the storm.109

At six this morning, Pieter phoned me and suggested I turn on the radio news. Blearily, I did so, but what I heard woke me up very quickly.110

Koos van Leeuwenhoek had made a night-time raid, about 2:30 am New Holland time, and set up masses of mining equipment all around the Kakadu site he had been prospecting. The reports suggested that several armed men were surrounding the area, although whether they were New Holland soldiers or common hoons hired by van Leeuwenhoek was not yet known.111

Already Pieter had been summoned to the Governor's residence, and I leapt out of bed, knowing I was in for a busy, if not frantic, day. Pieter wrote me a quick note of things to say to the press of both New South Wales and New Holland, should they want some information, and raced off to Government House.112

Sure enough, press calls came flooding in and our secretary had little time to deal with them. They all went along the same lines, usually like this:113

"May I speak to Pieter van Ryneveld, please?"114

"I'm sorry, the Ambassador is in conference with Governor Carroll at present."115

"Is there anyone else there?"116

"The Assistant Ambassador is available for comment."117

"Please put me through to him."118

"Jan Suyderhoud here."119

"Mr Suyderhoud, do you have any comment on the apparent insurgency of New Holland forces into the Kakadu area?"120

At this point I would refer to Pieter's notes. "There is no information available as yet to indicate the nature of the incursion into the Disputed Territories. The Prime Minister, Mr Cronje, has denied the deployment of any regular New Holland troops into the Disputed Territories and is seeking urgent intelligence on the situation."121

"So you mean that the New Holland government has no control over the armed forces in the Disputed Territories?"122

This was always going to be the tricky part - denying that van Leeuwenhoek's little escapade was government policy was one thing, completely extracting ourselves from any blame was another entirely. 123

"The term 'armed forces' is misleading, I think. The reports we have indicate only that there are a few armed men in the area, guarding the site that Koos van Leeuwenhoek believes contains uranium. There is certainly no military or paramilitary takeover of the area."124

"All the same, your government hasn't done a lot to stop it."125

"All I can say is that at the moment, investigations are continuing, and the press will be kept informed to the best of our ability." It was a bit of a weak response, but there was really very little else I could say.126

Pieter returned from Government House at around ten, looking exhausted. 127

"He's not happy", were Pieter's first words, delivered in a tone of profound understatement. 128

"Do we know any more yet?", I asked. "The press have been at me since seven this morning, and I've really just been telling them the same story for the whole time."129

"Not much", said Pieter, with a shrug. "I've seen some TV footage from the New Amsterdam stations. They've had a helicopter or something fly over from Groote Eylandt I think, and shown some footage of a bunch of ugly men sitting around with machine guns, and some heavy looking mining equipment in various stages of assembly."130

I pushed aside a curtain and noticed a small crowd of demonstrators gathering outside the Embassy. They were all opposed to van Leeuwenhoek's incursion into the Disputed Territories, but apparently for a variety of reasons. The banners displayed sentiments ranging from "Hands Off Aboriginal Land" to "Hands off NSW Mining Rights" - the political left and right in New South Wales were making a rare display of unity for the moment.131

I pointed this out to Pieter and asked "is there much point trying to talk to them?".132

"No", said Pieter, smiling for the first time that day. "Come midday, the pro-Native group will be in a fight with the pro-mining group. It won't be our problem for long."133

Pieter was wrong only in that the fights did not break out until 12:15.134

March 24, 2007; Afternoon135

At 2:30 Pieter rushed into my office and nearly physically hauled me into his own. Before I realised what was happening, he pointed excitedly to his TV screen and said "van Leeuwenhoek is about to make some kind of statement".136

The TV was showing the New Holland Cable News (NHCN) station, of which van Leeuwenhoek owned a large share. We had received little information from the west all day - Anna Oosterhaus had sent me a frantic e-mail asking what New South Wales were going to do now, and I couldn't tell her anything she didn't know already, but otherwise it had been very quiet. It seemed that everyone, including Cronje himself, was waiting for news on NHCN.137

At about 2:35 the anchorwoman "threw" to a live feed of van Leeuwenhoek sitting in what appeared to be a mobile home, with a large glass of iced water next to him. No doubt the caravan, if that was what it was, was fitted with state-of-the-art air-conditioning, but van Leeuwenhoek was a large and heavily built man, and would no doubt feel the early autumn heat of the Barrier.138

"Mr van Leeuwenhoek", began the anchorwoman, Katrina Lubbers, "can you tell us exactly what is happening in the area of the Disputed Territories known as Kakadu?"139

"Certainly, Katrina." I noticed that van Leeuwenhoek had a deep, imposing voice, and used it to talk to people as though they were fools. "What I have done is asserted the rights New Holland has over the mining rights in the Disputed Territories. Eastern Mining Corporation discovered a large uranium deposit in the Kakadu area not long ago, and therefore has the right to first use of it. First discoverers have the right to territory, it is a well-known principle of international law."140

"You must be joking", I said, keen to show off my legal knowledge. "That rule only applies to areas that are really undiscovered - terra nullius! That area's been known to exist since 1700!"141

"Shh", admonished Pieter, listening carefully. "Of course it's rubbish, but we've got to know what he's saying." Once more his eyes were fixed on the screen.142

Ms Lubbers considered this answer, and asked "but isn't the use of armed forces a bit excessive? And internationally provocative?"143

"My dear Katrina, those men are carrying guns to keep away wild pigs and buffalos! Do you know how many wild boars there are up in this area? And how much damage they can do to anything that gets in their way?"144

Pieter and I were both amazed by the sheer audacity of the man.145

"And, if New South Wales has a problem with that, well, that's not my responsibility. They're just jealous that they didn't get in first to exploit the area. There's millions, maybe billions, of guilders worth of investment here for New Holland, and hundreds, maybe thousands of jobs."146

"You of course have quite a bit to gain from this" said Ms Lubbers.147

"Of course", smiled van Leeuwenhoek indulgently, "but I've never tried to hide that. The New South Wales authorities are dressing up their concerns as some high principle of international law, or based on some document of dubious authenticity signed 180-odd years ago, and there have been some misguided environmentalists on both sides of the Barrier trying to stop the project."148

Pieter and I looked at each other at this point, and worried for the political future of Anna Oosterhaus. 149

"But" finished van Leeuwenhoek, "while I stand to make quite a bit of money from this, the State of New Holland stands to make much more. I trust this answers all your questions."150

"Thank you Mr van Leeuwenhoek" said Lubbers, with the air of an uppity servant being put back in her place, and signed off.151

Pieter just shook his head slowly. "That fool", he said quietly, "he's just gone and made things even worse."152

March 26, 2007153

Parliament was always scheduled to sit today, but we all knew what would be dominating the session. Once again, I was sent to Parliament with strict orders from Pieter to report everything that happened, and call him on his mobile phone should anything really dramatic occur. Pieter was in teleconference with Anton Cronje and some of his cabinet in the morning, and was particularly dreading confronting the Minister for Resources and Development, one Juhan Moeller, a former executive officer with Eastern Mining Corporation. It was well known that EMC had bankrolled most of his electoral campaigns and it was his task, either self-appointed or at the orders of van Leeuwenhoek, to remind Anton Cronje of the value of EMC to the New Holland economy. It would be clear where his sentiments would lie, and it would be equally clear that Anna Oosterhaus would be lucky to get a word in.154

I, however, was confronted with the New South Wales Mines and Energy Minister, Mr Ian Cochrane, bellowing to the Governor that van Leeuwenhoek had to be reined in. He, I remembered, was the Member for Broken Hill, a large mining area itself.155

Mr Cochrane was a short and, well, shall we say generously built man, and was rapidly turning a colour that reminded me of the sunset over the Swan River as he spoke. "How DARE", he said, and said it again for good measure, "How DARE this maverick developer from that Boorish nation to the west, interfere with a matter that is not only before the Parliament of New South Wales, but is a matter of delicate international law as well!"156

Cochrane got a few "hear hears" from his own back bench, and I was left wondering how many times I had heard the "Boer / Boor / Bore" pun.157

Carroll was trying to keep control of the House, but not doing a great job. "And just what do you want me to do about it, Mr Cochrane? Will the Member for Burrunjuck please resume his seat!"158

"Do about it, Your Excellency? By doing nothing, you are allowing your own authority, and that of New South Wales, to be usurped!" Cochrane pushed his glasses further up the bridge of his nose and continued. "I believe that you have not yet determined Mr Vestey's petition to this Parliament?"159

I looked around for Vestey at this point, but he was not in the gallery. No doubt, he would be taking a close interest in this proceedings somehow.160

Carroll looked thoughtful and said "no, I have not".161

"Then, Your Excellency, you must take action to ensure that when your decision is made, you can enforce it."162

If Vestey owns this Cochrane like van Leeuwenhoek owns Moeller, I thought, we could be in real trouble. 163

Some Members erupted at this point and started howling down curses upon the Minister, but just as many were supporting him. I was sure that I heard a few of the more hawkish backbenchers starting a chant along the lines of "War with the Boers", but I hoped I was imagining it.164

Carroll seemed to have heard it, and shouted "THOSE ON MY RIGHT!". The House was reasonably quiet for the first time for a while.165

"Your Excellency, I must protest" entreated Robert Edwards, leaping to his feet. "Yes, van Leeuwenhoek's actions are stupid and provocative, but they have received no support from the New Holland government, and we are only making the situation worse."166

"Making it worse, Mr Edwards?" inquired the Governor. "By merely asserting our constitutional authority?"167

"But..". Edwards trailed off, looking horrified. I was probably looking white myself.168

"Quiet in the House. The Member for Dandenong will resume his seat", said Carroll, looking at Edwards. The latter did so, nervously.169

"Be it proclaimed this day", declaimed Carroll, in a tone of mighty grandiloquence, "that I have found the petition of James McAlister Vestey to be upheld, and that the said James McAlister Vestey and his heirs are the true owners of the land in the Disputed Territories known as Kakadu."170

The House was dead silent.171

Carroll waited until the pause had become weighty enough and continued. "And be it further proclaimed that the said land shall be vacated by any and all persons currently in occupation of that land within seventy-two hours of this proclamation, or they shall be forcibly removed and the land returned to its rightful owners."172

Some of the House stood and applauded at this, some cheered wildly, some looked uncertain, Ian Cochrane grinned in triumph, and Robert Edwards and Virginia Boon just looked completely stunned.173

I phoned Pieter on his mobile.174

March 27, 2007175

We've been up for quite a long time now. When I got back from Parliament yesterday, with Pieter looking a colour I had never seen him turn before, we fired off a couple of frantic e-mails to various New Holland government Ministers, telling them of the developments in the situation.176

Pieter was not terribly optimistic, as he told me of his teleconference with Cronje and some of his Cabinet. As he had half-expected, Anna Oosterhaus' portfolio had been demoted from Cabinet and Anna herself apparently told to butt out of the issue (apparently sacking a hitherto well-regarded Environment Minister would be a bit too obvious). Cronje acted the gentleman, as always, but Pieter said it was clear that he was petrified of actively taking on someone as powerful as van Leeuwenhoek. Making statements in the press that his government did not support van Leeuwenhoek's actions were one thing, but taking active steps to remove him from what had become his stronghold in Kakadu was another. 177

Also as expected, Moeller made frequent statements about how important this development was to the economy of New Holland - Indonesia and South Africa were both looking to develop nuclear power, and with common Dutch connections they may well look to New Holland first for their supplies of uranium. "We must not let this slip" was his catchcry. His replies to our e-mails were very much along the same lines, even when told of the developments in the New South Wales Parliament.178

Finally, Pieter succeeded in getting Cronje on the phone early this morning. I got only his end of the conversation, but it was enough.179

"Good morning, Prime Minister. Pieter van Ryneveld here. I need to speak to you urgently."180

"Sir, I'm afraid I don't care if you've just had an all-night sitting of Parliament. I really must get your advice on negotiating a way out of this situation."181

"What do you mean, what situation? Sir, if we don't start making moves towards a settlement we could have New South Wales troops moving into the Disputed Territories within two and a bit days! Do you really want van Leeuwenhoek's mindless hoons in a shootout with the New South Wales military? It could mean war!"182

Then, with great exasperation, "no, I don't believe that those guns are for shooting wild pigs. And I don't think you do either."183

Calmer again now. "Yes, sir, I'm aware that even the Boer War didn't start an Australian war, but there was never a billion guilder uranium deposit involved in those days. You've got two mad industrialists who both want to get their hands on it, and neither government has so far tried to stop them!"184

Pieter listened carefully for a while and then said, "what I want, sir, is some instructions from you about a settlement offer to put to the Governor. Maybe we could split the deposit. Maybe the best thing to do is to declare the area a natural heritage area and stop anyone mining it." Here he was interrupted, and broke back in "I don't care who discovered it, this is far too hot politically. Do you really think a few contracts with Indonesia is worth risking a war within the Australian continent?"185

Pieter listened again, and was near breaking point when he answered. "No, sir, I don't think they'll back down that easily. Vestey has a lot of money and his family might just influence whether Carroll gets reappointed as Governor. It's nasty but that's the way it is. We need a solution, and we need it by Thursday at the latest."186

Finally, through gritted teeth, "alright then, I'll wait another day. I must advise you though that this brinkmanship can't be guaranteed to work. Yes, I know you're the PM and I'm your employee. Good morning to you."187

Pieter sat heavily and looked out the window at the sun climbing gradually into the sky above Kirribilli for a while. When he spoke he sounded much older than he was.188

"Jan", he said, "this looks like getting very nasty for all of us."189

I spoke in a hushed tone. "Do you really think there could be a war over this?"190

Pieter paused and then said "I don't know. I really just don't know."191

Later that day James Vestey was heard to comment on a radio interview, "I don't think van Leeuwenhoek will be the only one shooting wild Boers before long."192

March 28, 2007193

We've spent most of the last twenty-four hours apparently cut off from all official communications. Cronje spoke to Pieter on the phone early this morning, only to tell Pieter in a welter of indecision that he won't think about making any kind of settlement offer until midnight tonight. Governor Carroll doesn't want to see us until Cronje has either removed van Leeuwenhoek from the Disputed Territories or at least announced publicly that he is prepared to do so, and only then will he consider a negotiated settlement. Instead, we've been talking to our only "friends" on either side, Anna Oosterhaus and Robert Edwards.194

Anna e-mailed us to say that she has pushed Cronje to recall Parliament for a new debate on her Natural Heritage Conservation Bill, which if enacted would require van Leeuwenhoek to leave the area and any mining conform to strict environmental guidelines. However, she says, Cronje is now too far into the situation to extract himself without looking like appeasing New South Wales, and van Leeuwenhoek is threatening to switch his campaign funding to the Opposition if Cronje makes any move in this direction. 195

In the meantime, Robert Edwards leaked the contents of some Cabinet discussions on possible military action in the Disputed Territories to us. Obviously conscious of the possibility of being charged with treason - and it could come to that if a war ever actually started - his information was deliberately vague. However, he informed us that the Minister for Defence, a Mr O’Connor, has stated that he has several units on standby, and that if van Leeuwenhoek does not respond to an ultimatum to leave the area by midday tomorrow (the 29th), New South Wales troops will forcibly occupy the area. "And that", he apparently said, "will show these piggy-eyed little Boers who runs this continent". Not overly encouraging, is it?196

The only good news we have had all day is that Cronje, even if he lacks the will to evict van Leeuwenhoek from the Disputed Territories, at least has not sent troops in to back him up. NHCN continued to show some helicopter shots of the area, with surveyors marking out large areas of ground, and occasionally van Leeuwenhoek himself out inspecting the troops. (That is a poor choice of words. Inspecting his staff, I should say.) If van Leeuwenhoek is aware of the military moves afoot in New South Wales, he does not seem concerned, and he knows how difficult it is to remove an enemy from an area they already occupy. 197

All in all much of the day passed in a sort of paralysis. NHCN gave us hourly updates that said much the same thing over and over again - "van Leeuwenhoek still in occupation", "Carroll says that ultimatum still stands", "Vestey still sticks by Parliamentary victory".198

It was midday that the first bomb threat came through. Someone claiming to represent a group called the "New South Wales Citizens Against New Holland Imperialism" - undoubtedly the longest name ever devised for an aspiring terrorist group - told us that the Embassy would be blown up at 12:15 because of our failure to give a New South Wales citizen what was rightfully his. Naturally, we were all shepherded out onto the streets, the police searched the building and found nothing, and back in we all trooped. 199

Pieter at this time looked terrible. I had really been assigned to media monitoring duties all day, as well as liaising with "friendly" parties like Oosterhaus and Edwards, but he had been trying to raise Cronje, Moeller and the Foreign Minister Joost Pienaar for most of the day, and was continually being given the run-around. "Maybe we should just give up", he said. "At least we've tried up till now. These bastards on both sides are just too weak to stop all this. This is how World War One got going."200

I knew better than to say too much. I had seen Pieter in frustrated moods before, but never when the stakes have been so high.201

"At least", he added, "New South Wales troops have to give us safe passage back to New Amsterdam if a war starts and they deport us. If we can rely on them to stick to the rules of International Law, that is."202

I tried to assure him that they would, but I don't believe he was listening.203

At eleven o'clock in the evening Pieter raced to pick up a fax which came through from the Prime Minister's Office. It read as follows:204

Mr van Ryneveld, would you please communicate to the Governor of New South Wales the following message. 205

The Government of New Holland is concerned at the reports of military intervention by New South Wales against the private business interests of a citizen of New Holland, Mr Koos van Leeuwenhoek, in the Disputed Territories. 206

The government of New Holland has made it clear that we do not in any way claim the area known as Kakadu to be part of the State of New Holland. However, if military action is taken against Mr van Leeuwenhoek's private venture, we will feel it necessary to protect one of our citizens, and his employees, with all necessary and reasonable force. 207

Please take this concern into account when considering the claim of Mr James Vestey to title over the same area, a claim which is not accepted by the government of New Holland.208

The government of New Holland recognises that the current situation makes the drawing up of a formal border a matter of some importance. The government of New Holland is willing at any time to enter into such negotiations, but only when any possibility of New South Wales military action within the Disputed Territories is removed.209

Yours, Anton Cronje.210

Pieter rang the Governor's secretary with a heavy heart, jotted down some details, and raced out, holding the fax away from his body like he was holding a grenade, the pin from which he had just removed.211

March 29, 2007; 9 am212

I awoke early this morning, having hardly slept. Pieter, I believe, did not sleep at all. Indeed, he put a protesting Karin on a flight back to New Amsterdam at five this morning, fearing that all such flights might soon be cancelled, and that she could be stuck in enemy territory come midday today. Diplomatic immunity or no diplomatic immunity, that would be a very uncomfortable situation.213

The skies over Kirribilli were suitably leaden this morning, and the papers, as well as NHCN, were full of Cronje's communique, which had somehow been leaked to the media. Pieter regarded this as the final straw, and he personally blamed Carroll himself, or perhaps Defence Minister O'Connor, for the leak, perhaps in order to back up their own decisions with respect to troop movements.214

At eight thirty we had another group of protesters outside the Embassy. This time they were peace protesters, beseeching Cronje to seek negotiations with Carroll to resolve the position. "They don't realise that we're on their side", said Pieter, referring to the two of us, "but that we're about the only New Hollanders who are".215

"And Ms Oosterhaus" I added.216

"Yes", said Pieter, heavily, "but I think she's been cut out of the decision-making process well and truly now."217

It was at 8:47 that all seemed lost. NHCN carried a report that New South Wales troops were assembling at the Richmond Air Base, ready to fly into the Disputed Territories if the midday deadline for van Leeuwenhoek to move was not met. The head of Eastern Mining Corporation naturally issued a statement to his station that he would do no such thing, and I left the room in frustration. Pieter at that point decided to make one last attempt to talk to Cronje, but did it with the air of a man who knows he is about to be hanged and is even now taking the first steps up to the gallows.218

March 29, 2007; 10 am219

At about 9:45 I was still sitting morosely in front of my e-mail terminal, trying to think of something to send to my family in Port Hartog, trying to let them know I was OK, and trying to deceive them into thinking for a bit longer that everything would be OK. At that point, Pieter rushed in and said "NHCN has lost contact with Kakadu".220

"Oh", I said, not seeing much importance in this. "Well, their satellite link is probably out."221

"No", said Pieter, shaking his head. "Their cameras on the ground are out. A helicopter in the area has been shot down."222

"You mean it's started already!", I exclaimed, leaping out of my seat.223

Pieter looked perplexed and said "that's the strangest part. The troops we saw before are still on the ground at Richmond, and I've just e-mailed O'Connor asking for an explanation. He swore that no New South Wales troops have moved in on the area."224

Pieter then said something he probably found hard to say. It was "I have no idea what's going on."225

March 29 2007; 11 am226

The first idea anyone had what was happening in Kakadu came shortly after 10:30. Katrina Lubbers appeared in front of the NHCN studio cameras looking slightly shaken, and read out the following statement.227

"At 10:32 this station received a satellite phone call from a group calling itself the Kakadu Provisional Government. A spokesman for the group, one Galurrwuy Yunipingu, says that the KPG represents the Aboriginal owners of the area, and that they have raided the site occupied by Mr Koos van Leeuwenhoek and his Eastern Mining Corporation employees, and, in his words, 'liberated it to its traditional owners'. We have no word on how the takeover was made, or whether anyone has been killed or injured in the area. Just repeating, the area of the Disputed Territories known as Kakadu, which has been the subject of competing claims by New Holland and New South Wales in recent days, and which threatened to result in armed conflict between the two Australian States, has been taken over by an armed insurrectionist group calling itself the Kakadu Provisional Government. More details as they come to hand."228

Pieter stared open-mouthed at the set, but not for long, as the phones started ringing nearly before the NHCN anchorwoman finished her report.229

March 29, 2007; Midday230

Some of the phone calls we have received in the last hour have been astonishing. Cronje rang us to ask if we had any information that the KPG was backed by New South Wales, and we said we had no idea. No-one in fact had ever heard of the KPG until today. Carroll phoned Pieter and demanded to know if this was all some clever trick by New Holland; Pieter said that if it was it was so clever that he had fallen for it as well. Juhan Moeller and Joost Pienaar subscribed to the New South Wales backed terrorist group theory, Ian Cochrane was wondering if it was some armed cell of Greenpeace or something along those lines, but most of the continent was in a state of shock. 231

The last we heard, a couple of reconnaissance planes have left Groote Eylandt to check out the situation. The Embassy is in a state of paralysis now - neither Cronje nor Carroll really want to make any further move until they know precisely what it going on in the Disputed Territories. The waiting, if anything, is even worse than the bombs dropping.232

March 29, 2007; 1 pm233

The immediate situation has all been resolved rather spectacularly in the last hour, but the long-term situation might take many years to sort out.234

At about 12:20, pictures came through from the reconnaissance planes. Somehow, NHCN had got a camera on board one of the planes, and were trumpeting a world exclusive. The pictures were long-distance ones, of course, but they appeared to show a group of natives, men and women, armed with machine guns and small artillery, inspecting the site that had previously been occupied by van Leeuwenhoek. Some of them were obviously border sentries, some looked like troop leaders, but all looked like they were there for the long haul. One or two of them had guns trained on some terrified-looking white prisoners, obviously van Leeuwenhoek's employees. Of van Leeuwenhoek there was no sign, but one shot indicated that what appeared to have once been a mobile home was a burning wreck. Koos van Leeuwenhoek's headquarters had been comprehensively bombed.235

But the big news came through less than ten minutes ago. A genuinely concerned Katrina Lubbers threw to a live cross to Kakadu, where, it was said, Galurrwuy Yunipingu would soon speak. Presumably it was the same camera equipment that had been on board the reconnaissance plane, and NHCN had done some fancy negotiating.236

Yunipingu was a large man, with a few streaks of white through his black hair, and looked nervously at the camera as though he did not quite know how to approach it. After being obviously cued, he began to read from a prepared statement, in a quiet but dignified voice; heavily accented, but in flawless English, and with Dutch subtitles trailing across the screen beneath him.237

"Good afternoon", he began, and coughed slightly. "My name is Garralwuy Yunipingu and I am the leader of the Kakadu Provisional Government, which has reclaimed an area of land which has belonged to the Yolngu people for approximately fifty thousand years."238

He paused, looked back at his notes, and continued. "Today, at approximately 10:30 am, an advance party of KPG members raided the area known as Kakadu. After a short battle, the KPG gained control over the area. Mr Koos van Leeuwenhoek is dead, having been inside his trailer when it was blown up by a grenade. His employees are currently being held prisoner, and will be released as soon as their removal from Kakadu can be arranged. I apologise deeply and sincerely to Mr van Leeuwenhoek's family for his death, but I am afraid that this action of reclaiming our land had to be taken."239

Yunipingu seemed more confident now. "The KPG has taken this action for two reasons. Firstly, the land is ours, and belongs to neither New Holland nor New South Wales. Neither State was interested in addressing the problems of the Yolngu people before uranium was found in our land, and now both States want to possess it. I am afraid we cannot allow this."240

"Secondly, this action had to be taken now to prevent a war between the two Australian nations. I have no doubt that the greed of the white man would have resulted in armed conflict over an area of land worth perhaps billions of dollars. Now, instead of fighting with each other, you will have to negotiate with the true owners of the land if you wish to mine this uranium."241

I looked across at Pieter and asked "this can't last can it? I mean, they could be easily removed from that land, couldn't they?"242

Yunipingu then addressed exactly that point. "I am well aware that we are outgunned and outmanned by both New Holland and New South Wales should military action be taken against us. However, I have spoken by satellite phone in the last two hours to officials within several international governments. The governments of Indonesia, Malaysia, Fiji, Thailand, Vietnam, South Africa and Israel have agreed to recognise Kakadu as an independent State, as has the Palestinian Authority." He smiled slightly and said "Israel and the Palestinian Authority both know when an oppressed people takes action against their oppressors and becomes a new nation. We might help bring peace to the Middle East this way too."243

He looked serious again and said "so, any action taken against this nation would be viewed not as the crushing of a secessionist movement, but as an act of war, by many governments, and would be a serious international incident. I urge the governments of both New Holland and New South Wales to keep this in mind when deciding on further action."244

"I thank you for this opportunity to speak, and thank all of you for listening." The live feed cut out.245

March 29, 2007; Evening246

Nothing has happened since.247

Nothing, that is, except tentative negotiations from Cronje to arrange the release of the prisoners, and the return of van Leeuwenhoek's body. Pieter says that Cronje is probably already arranging a State funeral for the late industrialist, but I think that he will want to ensure that New Hollanders forget this episode ever occurred.248

Carroll has put Vestey's petition on hold, by use of a legal fiction - his determination stands, but has proclaimed that its enforcement will be indefinitely delayed. Vestey has apparently returned to England making all sorts of threats against the Governor, and I am not sure who I would rather see go.249

Carroll and Cronje have both come back to their respective Environment Ministers, suggesting that if both New South Wales and New Holland declare Kakadu a World Heritage area, then it can be left untouched by either side, without having to back down and recognise Kakadu as an independent State, and avoiding some unpleasant international incidents. Cronje has been in a state of shock, wondering how South Africa could have "sold out on us", but since that nation is now run by Nelson Mandela and not an Afrikaaner, I do not find it surprising.250

So it seems that a damaging international incident has been solved in a completely unexpected way. I do not know whether the KPG can survive, but for the time being at least, Australia is now split into three nations instead of two.251

The sun is going down now to the west of the Harbour Bridge, turning the waters of Sydney Harbour that wonderful dark wine colour. The lights in the CBD are coming on. The evening ferries are winding their way across from Manly, their lights like stars moving slowly through the firmament of the sea. Nothing seems to have changed here, but I know that Australia can never be the same again.252

And I'm not sure I'm sorry about it.253